BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 2,322, February 20, 2025
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The German Navy is facing new challenges in the Middle East ranging from arms smuggling to air defense. These challenges are developing in the context of increasing escalation in Europe, particularly in the Baltic Sea and in Northern Europe.
An important change recently occurred that could bolster the prospects for an effective monitoring force to prevent arms smuggling into Lebanon. Along with the implementation of the ceasefire agreement in Lebanon and the diplomatic interaction between senior American and Israeli officials, there has been a change in Germany’s assessments of, and involvement in, the maritime monitoring force to enforce the embargo on Lebanon. In parallel with the renewal of the mandate for the UNIFIL force, Germany is expected to expand its naval presence in the Mediterranean as part of its commitment to increasing its role in the UNIFIL mission, primarily in preventing maritime arms smuggling into Lebanon. This shift is greatly appreciated in Jerusalem as part of the diplomatic and security umbrella that Germany has provided to Israel over the past year.
Germany, which operates not only within the framework of the UN mandate but also through direct involvement in the Red Sea, is changing in its traditional role in the region to reflect strategic changes in northern Europe, especially in the Baltic and North Seas. On October 17, 2024, for example, a German ship participating in the UNIFIL force shot down a drone off the coast of Lebanon. A spokesman for the Bundeswehr Operations Command said the unidentified object was detected by defense systems and shot down northwest of the UNIFIL base in Naqoura, far from the coast but close to the German ship. According to Bundeswehr publications and official statements, Germany is conducting naval patrols off the coast of Lebanon, with a deployment of about 150 soldiers. At the beginning of the war in October 2023, Germany also deployed special units in Cyprus and Jordan.
Renewed naval deployment in the Mediterranean and Red Seas
With the escalation of Houthi attacks in the Bab al-Mandab Strait, Germany decided to increase its naval presence as part of the US-led international coalition. The Hessen frigate was sent to the Red Sea, an operation that has been described as the most dangerous mission undertaken by the German Navy in decades. On February 23, 2024, the German parliament, the Bundestag, approved a one-year mandate in the Red Sea allowing the deployment of up to 700 German soldiers. The decision was based on the need to protect merchant ships from naval attacks in the region, as stated by the German Ministry of Defense. The EU’s decision at the end of 2023 to establish a naval task force to protect trade routes in the Middle East helped Germany prepare for the mission.
According to the decision of the Council of the European Union, the mandate included ensuring freedom of navigation and maritime traffic in the areas of the Bab al-Mandab Strait, the Strait of Hormuz, and other international waters, such as the Red Sea and the Gulf of Oman. However, the German mandate made it clear that the defense mission did not include the maritime area north of Muscat in the Gulf of Oman and the Strait of Hormuz. This clarification was apparently intended to avert direct confrontation with Iran in its area of influence.
The maritime trade routes between the Suez Canal and the Bab el-Mandab Strait, as well as access to the Indo-Pacific region, are a key economic and security concern for Germany and Europe. Israel is cautiously hopeful that the redeployment of German forces to address this concern will improve surveillance and increase air defense against drone threats.
Officially, the German Navy has participated since 2006 in maritime surveillance off the coast of Lebanon as part of the UNIFIL mission. But the task force struggled to thwart arms smuggling through the sea lanes and at times avoided it completely. Now, Germany has expressed interest in providing additional resources to the Lebanese army, though it appears that they may be under the umbrella of secret diplomacy and are not necessarily part of public agreements.
Germany is working to establish radar stations along the coast to ensure close surveillance of the maritime area. It is not yet clear whether these radar stations will be handed over to the Lebanese army, as Germany hopes. That will depend on Israeli approval. Germany has expressed interest in providing additional financial resources for UNIFIL missions in southern Lebanon and the Lebanese army, but it is not yet clear whether these resources will be included in official agreements or whether they will be affected by the maritime space in Syria after the fall of the Assad regime.
The Baltic Sea and the northern flank
Germany’s top priority is the Baltic Sea and the northern flank of Europe, reflecting its interest in ensuring stability in the maritime space. The German Navy is responsible for securing the northern flank, including key supply routes in the North Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, with a traditional emphasis on the North Sea and the Norwegian Sea. Since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the Baltic Sea has received increased attention due to NATO and Russian activity, as well as the need to protect underwater infrastructure that has been damaged several times.
The escalation over the past few years is reminiscent of the Cold War. It has involved the firing of warning shots and reflects tactics employed at times of heightened geopolitical tension. It appears that Russia’s actions are part of a broader strategy of testing the response capacity of NATO forces in the region.
As the largest NATO fleet in the Baltic Sea, the German Navy possesses exceptional regional expertise, especially in maritime and underwater operations. It currently runs a regional naval headquarters. Outgoing German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who participated in the Baltic Sea Security Conference in Helsinki, said Germany is prepared to take responsibility “through its resources” in light of the growing threat. He stressed that this reflects Germany’s interest in securing its presence in the Baltic Sea for its own naval vessels. Scholz also announced that the German Navy would join an additional NATO mission in the Baltic Sea.
During the Cold War, NATO’s primary naval role was to block access to the western Baltic Sea and prevent the Soviet Baltic Fleet from reaching the North Sea. The goal was to stop Moscow’s warships from attacking American supply convoys critical to Europe’s defense. After the Cold War and following the accession of the Baltic states to NATO, the alliance committed itself to keeping sea routes open in case the narrow land corridor connecting the Baltics to Poland was blocked in any conflict with Russia. The Baltic states also recently disconnected from the Russian electricity grid in order to integrate with Western energy networks.
Against this backdrop, concerns have grown over potential escalation targeting maritime infrastructure. In response, Germany, along with eight other Baltic Sea nations—Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Norway, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Sweden—has been working on acquiring naval mines. A key concern is that if the straits near the Baltic states are closed, maritime cargo routes to Sweden and Finland would suffer severe disruptions, effectively isolating the Baltic states.
In June 2024, the German Navy participated in Baltic Operations 2024, a large-scale NATO exercise in the Baltic Sea. The exercise was held in Kiel, Germany, and involved 20 NATO allies. Over 21 days, allied forces assessed their performance in the Baltic region’s annual drill, which included more than 50 ships, 85 aircraft, and approximately 9,000 personnel. The exercise featured NATO warships conducting tactical maneuvers, anti-submarine warfare drills, live-fire exercises, and air defense training. The operation aimed to simulate a broad defensive scenario, highlighting the Baltic Sea’s strategic importance, where nearly 8,000 kilometers of coastline are under NATO’s official protection.
Some analysts believe NATO’s ability to reinforce the region was significantly bolstered by Finland’s accession in 2023 and the formal granting to Sweden of NATO membership on March 7, 2024. Sweden recently deployed an infantry battalion to Latvia for the first time as part of its commitment to NATO.
The German Navy has inaugurated a Maritime Command Headquarters in Rostock, on the shores of the Baltic Sea. The center is led by a German admiral and staffed by personnel from 12 NATO member states. The German Defense Minister highlighted that Germany is fulfilling its commitments to its allies in the Baltic Sea and beyond, particularly within NATO.
Following the opening of the naval base, the Russian Foreign Ministry summoned the German ambassador and warned of a “corresponding response” with “serious negative consequences.” The ministry stated, “Washington, Brussels, and Berlin must understand that the expansion of NATO’s military infrastructure into the territory of the former East Germany will have severe negative consequences and will not go unanswered by Russia.”
These warnings gain further weight amid the frequent acts of sabotage that have occurred in the Baltic Sea targeting critical Western infrastructure. Some of these incidents were reportedly carried out by Russia’s so-called “shadow fleet”—a network of tankers and cargo vessels that Russia employs to bypass sanctions and continue exporting oil and other goods. One such vessel was intercepted and seized by Finnish naval forces while engaged in military operations and acts of sabotage. In October 2023, a submarine cable and gas pipeline were damaged in the Baltic Sea, and in November 2024, two submarine communications cables were damaged in a nearby area. The latter damage was discovered by the Danish Navy, which strengthened cooperation with the German Navy after the explosion of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline near the Danish island of Bornholm.
Germany recently approved a budget for four additional Type 212CD submarines, reflecting an increase in cooperation between Germany and Norway to modernize their submarine fleets. In addition, the Bundestag has approved the expansion of Germany’s naval fleet, granting principal authorization for a significant increase in the number of German submarines in the coming years. German defense officials have justified the need for additional submarines to meet NATO’s new operational requirements, with the German Navy aiming to reach a total of up to 15 operational submarines. However, the timeline and overall numbers raise questions about the navy’s ability to meet its declared goals.
Germany’s resolve reflects heightened apprehensions, especially about draft laws by Moscow’s Defense Ministry that have raised concerns about possible changes to maritime borders in the eastern Gulf of Finland and around the Kaliningrad enclave. Finland’s Foreign Minister, Alina Valtonen, has called on Russia to abide by UN treaties and refrain from violating international maritime law. Sweden’s Chief of Staff has also warned of Russian ambitions in the Baltic Sea, especially regarding the island of Gotland. Germany’s Defense Minister has expressed concern about Russia’s intentions in the Baltic Sea and stressed the strategic importance of the maritime region, not only for Russia, but also for China, especially in the context of attempts to circumvent international sanctions imposed in the wake of the ongoing crisis in Ukraine.
It is notable that when the Russian space agency announced the launch of an Iranian spy satellite into space that included the area north of the Svalbard archipelago, it claimed that area as part of Russia’s airspace of influence. In view of the Russian parliament’s threat not to honor the Barents Sea agreement, concerns are growing that the Russians are trying to increase pressure on the Nordic countries.
Regional defense alliance and maritime cooperation
Germany works with the Nordic and Baltic states, which still employ pragmatic strategies over confrontational approaches. Instead of engaging in direct confrontation, they have supported and led official and unofficial communications channels with Russia. However, the war in Ukraine has pushed these countries to change their position, join in sanctions against Russia and move closer to the security umbrella of the US and NATO (formally with the accession of Finland and Sweden to the military alliance).
This change has also led Germany to lead and assist NATO’s northern flank and defend its areas of influence and the maritime border. In this context, one of the most significant recent events in the Arctic Ocean was a joint military exercise of NATO forces in Norway a few months ago. The exercise, which simulated an invasion of the northern flank, reflected growing concern among NATO members about a real military threat from Russia. Rear Admiral Rona Andersen, Chief of the Royal Norwegian Navy, emphasized the need to be prepared and to be able to deter future aggression. To this end, there is increasing cooperation, including intelligence-sharing in joint and coordinated maritime patrols. In July 2023, at the NATO Vilnius Summit, the alliance members established a Naval Center for the Security of Undersea Infrastructure as part of NATO’s Maritime Command in Northwood.
Alongside its naval expansion, which includes new frigates and submarines, Germany is diversifying its maritime surveillance capabilities. On July 18, 2024, Vice Admiral Jan Christian Kaack, Chief of the German Navy, made his first official visit to Israel, where he met with his Israeli counterpart, Commander of the Israeli Navy Vice Admiral David Saar Salama. The visit focused on consultations regarding future maritime technologies, including underwater vehicles. A few weeks later, Germany announced that as part of its efforts to enhance national defense capabilities, the government is advancing a plan to acquire advanced defense systems. It revealed that Israel and Germany were cooperating on the BlueWhale project, an autonomous underwater vehicle (AUV) developed by Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI).
The BlueWhale underwent an operational test for the German Navy in one of the most challenging areas of the Baltic Sea, where it successfully met the requirements set for it by the German Navy and the Bundeswehr’s technical center. Ahead of its future deployment, the AUV is designed to strengthen defense against hybrid threats, such as suspected sabotage of underwater cables. The adoption of advanced systems has gained momentum with increasing interest in unmanned and autonomous technologies, both above and below water, that have rapidly expanded alongside the growing integration of AI-driven military applications.
Against the background of the strengthening of the NATO alliance and the war in Ukraine, a defense agreement was signed between the UK and Germany. Under the agreement, Germany will deploy aircraft in Scotland to help protect the North Atlantic. The two countries will cooperate on armed ground vehicles and drones, as well as the transfer of specialized helicopters equipped with advanced systems to Ukraine. Additionally, Germany granted India special status for expedited military procurement approvals, allowing the sale of submarines worth billions of dollars.
Concerns over missile and aircraft defense capabilities have grown in Germany in view of the war in Ukraine and the fear of Iranian aircraft operating near its territory, particularly near German naval installations. Air defense has received limited attention in both the German army and the German navy. According to strategic planning and as part of a naval force deployment in 2006, the German navy did not expect Hezbollah to demonstrate significant air combat capabilities. As a result, Germany’s contribution became more negligible as the need for significant air defense measures grew. Today, only certain vessels in the German navy, known as “Saxony ships” after their flagship, are considered effective for air defense. According to the German military, some of these vessels have advanced radar systems that can monitor a wide area of airspace, with weapons systems capable of intercepting targets at a range of up to 160 kilometers.
This issue is gaining renewed importance in light of the concern that Iranian aircraft will be used to strike targets in the West, including infrastructure important to Germany. As a result of these growing anxieties, ships from the fleet that deployed at the end of 2023 as part of the NATO maritime task force have been relocated and repositioned. For example, the frigate “Hamburg” has joined the maritime task force. The German Navy as part of the international coalition in the Red Sea is not up to the task, as it lacks vessels that can carry out missions simultaneously in the Baltic Sea and the North Atlantic against foreign naval forces.
As a trading nation, Germany relies on open shipping routes. The disruptions to global maritime trade have received increased attention in recent years, particularly following the blockage of the Suez Canal in 2021. Although this critical route was closed for only six days, the resulting shipping delays affected global trade. German naval vessels operating in the Red Sea region were also active in the Indo-Pacific. The frigate Baden-Württemberg was deployed on a seven-month international mission as part of the German Navy’s 2024 Indo-Pacific deployment. It was accompanied by the task force supply ship Frankfurt am Main, which serves as a floating refueling station, ammunition depot, and mobile hospital.
China has criticized Germany for increasing security risks after two German naval vessels passed through the Taiwan Strait, a key waterway that Beijing claims as its territory. German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius defended the move, stating that the ships were navigating in international waters along the safest route. In response, Beijing deployed forces to monitor the German vessels. Mutual suspicion persisted following the arrest of a Chinese national on espionage charges at the German naval base in Kiel. This individual was caught on December 9, 2024, with photographic equipment.
The commander of the German Navy, Vice Admiral Kaack, explained in an interview with The Japan Times that concerns over maintaining open maritime routes are driving the German military’s involvement in Asia. According to him, sea lines of communication—the vital arteries connecting ports for trade, military, and other purposes—”are everyone’s concern—no shipping, no shopping!” However, “Being the smallest German Navy since 1956, we cannot do everything. We need to assess, prioritize, and adapt to fulfill our primary mission, which has been assigned to us as a result of this turning point in history that we are living through.”
Following a port visit to Japan, the German Navy conducted joint exercises with the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force, as well as the US, French, and Italian navies, in Japanese waters. The German ships then returned to Europe after making stops in South Korea and India. However, on the voyage back to Europe, the Baden-Württemberg did not take the shorter route through the Red Sea. According to reports, Germany was unable to secure a naval escort to safely navigate the Red Sea route. The decision was likely influenced by the vulnerabilities of German vessels to Houthi threats, the intelligence support provided to the group in Yemen, and particularly Iran’s supply of weapons along the strategic route. According to a report published in Der Spiegel, the security situation in the Red Sea had deteriorated to such an extent that Defense Minister Pistorius ordered a frigate and its accompanying supply ship to avoid the high-risk passage altogether, opting instead for the significantly longer route around the Cape of Good Hope.
This decision underscores the broader strategic challenges facing Germany as it expands its naval engagement. While Berlin seeks to reinforce regional security, it must also navigate complex dilemmas in prioritizing different operational theaters. The increasing convergence of security concerns in the Mediterranean and Northern Europe further complicates these choices, pushing Germany to balance its commitments while adapting to evolving threats.
The acquisition of the Arrow system by Germany with American approval, along with Israel’s acquisition of another advanced submarine from the Kiel shipyards, seems to reflect an additional layer of strategic cooperation. These developments, together with Germany’s commitment to maintaining the naval embargo in Lebanon, suggest that Germany is following through on taking moral responsibility for strengthening Israel’s security by virtue of “Staatsräson,” which former German Chancellor Angela Merkel defined as a national interest.
This is a version of an article that appeared in the Jerusalem Post.
Dr. Nir Levitan is a researcher at the BESA Center at Bar-Ilan University and at the Center for Cold War Studies at the University of Southern Denmark.