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On Monday, President Donald Trump announced that the United States would be holding direct talks with Iranian leaders about their nuclear program this weekend in Oman. At the same time, Iran’s foreign minister, Seyed Abbas Araghchi, insisted that the talks be “indirect,” with the Omanis mediating, as a confidence-building measure. I’m joined by my colleagues David Ignatius and Jason Rezaian to discuss where things stand.
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Damir Marusic David, in your latest column, you reported that the Trump administration is demanding direct talks or nothing. Are the talks still on as far as we know?
David Ignatius I queried the Trump negotiating team to see whether they’re packing their bags for Oman. At this point, I have no reason to think the talks won’t happen. Someone close to the team stressed to me that they want direct talks because, given the mistrust between the two countries, they think it’s necessary to have deep and frank discussions; Araghchi seems to prefer indirect talks as a way of dealing with this same problem of mistrust. This sounds like a problem that probably can be resolved. Although, the format might be fudged so that each side can claim it got what it wanted.
Jason Rezaian In Trump’s first term, there was no direct contact after he pulled the U.S. out of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. As a result — coupled with the administration’s “maximum pressure” approach — we lost a lot of leverage. I think directness, for the new Trump team, signals a seriousness that wasn’t there the last time around. For the Iranians, playing hard to get looks good to the “hardest-line” crowd. In the end, I think there will be direct meetings.
Damir Jason, how is this playing out in Iran? What is the media saying?
Jason For years, there have been two camps within Iran’s media landscape: those who want zero discussion with America, because it means bending to the will of the Great Satan, and those who believe that only through some sort of agreement with America can Iran escape the existential threat of economic destruction. That camp is winning the internal debate right now.
Damir Trump is threatening violence if the talks don’t happen — presumably as a coercive technique for the talks themselves. There was a lot of buzz in Washington ahead of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit on Monday about the possibility of us bombing Iran. But is the threat of strikes credible, given the state of the world economy? Surely a war in the Persian Gulf would spike oil prices, spreading further chaos in markets.
Jason The threat of strikes is always credible, especially because Israel has shown the ability to damage Iranian targets, inside and outside Iran’s borders. That fear is enough to get Iran to the table. But I don’t believe Trump wants to get involved in military actions against Iran; it didn’t benefit him during his first term. He undid the JCPOA, President Joe Biden failed to renew it, and now Trump sees an opportunity to “win” Iran.
David We should take Trump at his word when he says he doesn’t want more wars in the Middle East — partly because of the oil price spike and partly because he understands that MAGA voters are sick of “endless wars.” That said, from the beginning, Trump has accompanied his enthusiasm for negotiations with a warning that military action will follow if the talks are not successful. He’s even put a two-month deadline for the talks, which is more a symbolic timeline than a real one, I suspect. But he said Wednesday that if military force is used, Israel would take the lead, which I found an unusually specific statement — he doesn’t want the United States to be in the lead.
Damir Can we destroy Iran’s nuclear program with just airstrikes? Or is damaging it enough?
David With deep penetrating bombs, Israel and the U.S. could destroy much of the advanced centrifuge array buried at Iran’s Fordow facility. But the Iranians have dispersed their program, so it would be very hard to get everything — even if the attack included covert Israeli commando operations. A big bombing attack could keep the Iranians out of the nuclear game for several years, max. The centrifuges could be replaced or repaired, and the real heart of the Iranian program is its scientific expertise — which you can’t really bomb.
Damir The Israelis want full denuclearization from Iran. I imagine the Iranians would only agree to something far short of that. Any sense of where the Trump administration is on this question? Is a middle-ground outcome even possible, or is this “negotiation” basically a standoff?
Jason I don’t see the Iranians ever agreeing to completely abandon their nuclear program. They’re too invested in it as a point of national pride, and massive treasure, to let it go.
David There’s real tension between the U.S. and Israeli positions, and it will be fascinating to watch as these talks move forward, with a regular gush of leaks to influence negotiations. Israelis have been telling me since January — when they saw the Trump negotiating train gathering speed — that they would only settle for a “Libya-style deal”: a level of full dismantlement that Iran probably couldn’t accept. That’s one reason to be skeptical these negotiations will produce anything. I think the Israelis are concerned that Trump is so excited about the diplomatic possibilities that he is weakening the military option, at a time when Israel thinks there is a unique window of opportunity to strike Iran’s nuclear program, because Iranian defenses are battered after last October’s systematic attacks on its radar and missile production facilities.
Damir Heading into this, how optimistic are you that we’ll have some kind of breakthrough? Trump clearly wants a big win. Can he get it?
David Trump is hungry for a big, showy breakthrough — remember his trip to North Korea, Singapore and Vietnam to meet Kim Jong Un! That’s one reason to be optimistic. As my friend Karim Sadjadpour of the Carnegie Endowment reminded me this week, the worst nightmare for Trump hard-liners is that Iran’s ayatollah will write Trump a letter saying, “Let’s get together in Dubai.”